Incompetent Conservative Government… or de-governance?

Michael Tomasky of The Guardian, in a recent article entitled ‘Good at theatre, dreadful at governing’, quoted the American scholar Alan Wolfe’s view of conservative (e.g. Republican) politicians:

Conservatives cannot govern well for the same reason that vegetarians cannot prepare a world-class boeuf bourguignon: if you believe that what you are called upon to do is wrong, you are not likely to do it very well…

Wolfe’s article is worth reading in full.  Almost everything he says in it can also be applied to the current political scene in Britain. As the (understandably) unnamed author of The Guardian’s Diary of a civil servant observes,

[UK] Government advisers started the new year anxious to avoid accusations that the country is not being run very well. Ominously, their anxiety is increasing. People expect to be able to use roads and planes, to have their rubbish collected and to get a flu vaccine if they need it.  The word from officials at Transport, Communities and Health is that their ministers .. could have done little more to be better prepared. Arguably, Labour ministers would not have achieved more. … But the ministerial response reflected the ideology of the coalition. This is a laissez-faire government that believes problems should be solved locally….  but ultimately they believe most of that doing should be done elsewhere. Officials have a nagging fear ….  that the already limited ability to deal with these problems is being eroded, not bolstered.

And worries about the intended NHS budget transfers, our anonymous informer tell us, are even greater:

If GPs can’t crunch the numbers properly on flu vaccines, how can they be trusted to manage £80bn of the NHS budget, as they would under reform plans?

Well, politicians demand power to do things, and the Conservative-led administration says they want to make things better; but the big question is, for whom?

With apparently ill-thought-through ‘policies’ already evident in many directions – free schools and tuition fees, NHS budgets and GP commissioning, etc – the charge of incompetence can reasonably be laid on the Government.   But I still wonder if underlying all this there is little concern, by the Conservatives at least, about the impact, or even coherence, of these initiatives.

Later in his recent musings our Civil Servant diarist notes that:

Officials across government agree that Lib Dem junior ministers work harder and better than their Conservative colleagues. Perhaps they have more to prove or it is down to their experience in local government.

Maybe in one sense at least this misses the point.  If conservative politicians generically don’t believe in government as such, and they have the upper hand, then middle-ish of the road junior partners to a coalition (in this case, the Liberal Democrats) will lack influence however hard they work.  They will become simply a manipulated veneer, a cover under which the steely pursuit of what I will call de-government can be achieved.

There could be another way forward. As Alan Wolfe observes in his essay,

There exists … a modernizing version of conservatism in contemporary Europe, where conservatives recognize the inevitability of government but try to tailor its objectives and improve its competence. Call this “big government conservatism” if you wish….  [a version of conservatism] that sought to use government to stabilize society and avoid periodic crises.

But there’s scant evidence that any such ‘modernised’ conservative philosophy underlies the Cameron administration; rather, what we see points to a determined intention to reinforce inequality (i.e. increase advantage for the class which already has it) through hard-faced fiscal policy and the diminishing of the state.  Warm words can be uttered, but Chancellor George Osborne does not, I suspect, mind whether he is cuddly or not; and nor, when it comes to it, do his colleagues.

The Coalition veneer with which we are presented is the Big Society, a vapid non-idea initially devised by Kind Cameron the PR Professional, which now provides cover for something potentially much more powerful in its impact.  Behind the rhetoric of Big Society we are about to experience the opposite even of Wolfe’s big government conservatism.

The charge of Conservative-led Government incompetence is well-made, but only in the sense that emerging social and other ‘policies’ are operationally incoherent.  Maybe that’s because social policy ineptness is a decoy strategy (and the LibDems can get on with that stuff anyway), or more likely it’s simply because competence in this direction, beyond attending to issues which make for lack of support where it matters to them politically, is a low priority for the Conservatives.

That this ineptness, in the words of The Guardian‘s William Keegan, results in being ‘careless with people’s livelihoods‘ is probably of less consequence to the Tories, given that it is not a carelessness which much touches the class comprising their core constituents.

Whatever, the main thrust of current Government philosophy and positioning is, in the context of their own paradigm, anything but incompetent.

Whilst critics are busy analysing how Policy A aligns – or not – with Directive B, and what the polls tell us about Trend C, the fundamental point of conservative governance in the UK is being effectively, quietly and ruthlessly embedded.  Those who think this government deeply radical are right, even if their reasoning often is not.

Beware the competent and perhaps imminent delivery of de-governance.

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Happy Birthday for some; no delivery date for others

A story I heard about events which happened yesterday (Friday 7 January) seems to resonate with some current concerns of top people in maternity care.

The tale goes that a leading and very large NHS hospital sent at least two expectant mothers home again without any treatment yesterday, after these women had waited several hours, fasting, for their elective – as in, agreed date but necessary – Caesarian sections.  And even then the last routine C-section didn’t complete till mid-evening.

Apparently this is the regular weekly routine in that hospital.  Over the week, the caseload becomes more and more behind schedule, as mothers-to-be present with extra complications which only an expert-led facility can deal with. 

At the same time, we gather, only one operating theatre is permitted to be open after 5 pm, so non-emergency C-sections scheduled for any time after lunch have a ever-diminishing likelihood as the week progresses of actually getting done on the agreed date.  And we may I think assume that weekends are for non-urgent cases a complete no-no.

But, as the heads of various obstetric bodies have pointed out, it doesn’t have to be like that; and Health Secretary Andrew Lansley could ensure that it isn’t. 

Trends in obstetric requirements are relatively easy to predict and the physical capacity of large modern hospitals is generally adequate to most of these requirements.  All that’s needed in addition is the staff to do the job.

It was Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg’s birthday yesterday, 7 January.  If this tale is correct, there are however some new-born arrivals this week for whom delays in operations mean they won’t in future years be sharing a 7 January birthday with the Deputy PM, thanks to the financial austerity which his coalition government is applying even to provision for the safe and timely delivery of babies.

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Localism? Only when the Minister says so

The Minister for Housing and Local Government, Grant Shapps, has it seems stepped into the debate up in Liverpool about whether to demolish the early home of ex-Beatle Ringo Starr, where Starr lived for three months (the home he mostly grew up in will remain intact).

The house in question, a small terrace in Madryn Street in the inner-city, has been assessed as inappropriate and too costly for remediation and is due to disappear shortly, when the area undergoes a long-delayed programme of regeneration.

But Shapps now says that Starr’s early home is seen by many as ‘a culturally important building…..  Before a single bulldozer rumbles along Madryn Street, I want to ensure that every option has been considered.  In particular I want local community groups to have the opportunity to put forward viable proposals to preserve this historic house.’

The response from Liverpool City Council has been to the point:

‘Grant Shapps may not be aware of the fact that we have consulted extensively with local residents over these plans and the overwhelming majority are in favour of them.  Residents have been fully involved in developing the proposals and have shown they want decent homes to replace houses which have long passed their lifespan….  They are absolutely sick of the delays and the conditions they have to live in. They want the city council to demolish these properties as soon as possible, so that they can get on with their lives.’

Leaving aside the challenges of alternative ‘viable proposals’ by small groups in the context of critically time-limited large-scale regeneration, how strange that Grant Shapps should wish to intervene in a local issue such as this, especially so soon after his Localism Bill has been published.

Shapps tells us his Bill will contain a wide-ranging package of reforms to ‘devolve greater power and freedoms to councils and neighbourhoods, establish powerful new rights for communities, revolutionise the planning system, and give communities control over housing decisions’.

This particular intervention does not seem to be much in favour of localism.  It feels more to be on behalf of a community minority who want someone with national power to overturn the established wishes of the majority of their local neighbours.

If that’s the case, then here’s another example of some members of a community being more equal than others – and perhaps also of some national politicians being more interested in media exposure (Shapps says of the Madryn Street house that the Council should ‘Let it be’) than in the logic of their own intended legislation.

I seriously doubt that localism of the sort Shapps claims he intends can work anyway.  This micro-intervention demonstrates some of the reasons why. 

National politicians are often tempted to meddle in local affairs; but at least this is usually tempered by a wider strategic overview of what will be beneficial and what may not be.

Here however we have an intention (in the Localism Bill) to remove by legislation national strategic influence but no intention, apparently, to restrain individual ministerial interference.

Some might see that as a worrying example of power without responsibility.

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In fear of livelihoods; or only of luncheon? Some inequalities do justify shroud-waving

‘Some of us are in fear of our livelihoods; others only of our luncheon.’

Thus, with beguiling directness, wrote Matthew Parris in his Times article yesterday (1 January 2011:  ‘Don’t kid yourselves. There must be victims’).

‘We are not … all in this together; or not all as deep as each other….  People will embrace retrenchment in principle then lament any cut affecting them.  Shrouds will be waved, illiteracy and infant malnutrition predicted, and in the opposition imagination old people will be starving or freezing to death in countless wretched hovels.  The demise of theatre, ballet, museums and day care centres….  will be pronounced imminent.  Charities, think-tanks and academics will write to The Times to call ministers deaf to reason…‘, said Parris in his article.

Well, it didn’t take long for some shroud-waving to happen; we also read in the national press yesterday, that same day, that the new President of the Royal College of Obstetrictians and Gynaecologists, Tony Falconer, believes the NHS offers an inferior service to women who give birth at night, placing vulnerable women and babies at avoidable risk.

And now Cathy Warwick, general secretary of the Royal College of Midwives, accuses the Prime Minister of backtracking on a high-profile pledge made before last year’s election to hire 3,000 extra midwives, saying that ‘Despite repeated and persistent requests [from the RCM] for his government to honour this pledge, they will not’.

The upshot, Warwick tells us, is that ‘Maternity services are not coping and are under assault’…  a claim which, like Tony Falconer’s, is supported by Belinda Phipps, chief executive of the National Childbirth Trust.

Already, then, The Mirror, The Telegraph and The Observer and no doubt others are helping to prove Matthew Parris’s point that whingers in the media abound. 

What’s to complain about?  Perhaps the leaders of the RCOG, the RCM and the NCT need to understand, as Matthew Parris so succinctly puts it, that ‘Howls of indignation from co-ordinated bands of identifiable losers will drown out quiet murmurs of approval among the ungalvanised majority’.

Or maybe Falconer, Warwick and Phipps – presumably amongst Parris’ ‘identifiable losers’? – need to understand no such thing.  For the ungalvanised majority will approve not one jot the idea that the lives and well-being of babies and mums are being put at risk by the broken promise of the Prime Minister.

Will we see another U-turn before long? Perhaps Health Secretary Andrew Lansley is working on it already. In the current administration they happen all the time.

Whatever, we have already seen in what Matthew Parris has written no apology or concern beyond the politics of the situation.  ‘Better,’ he says, ‘to shrug off the hostility of those this coalition can never please, keep faith with those it can, and plough on….  Mr Cameron knows what’s coming’.

If Mr Cameron does in fact think there’s no mileage in pleasing people like the heads of the RCOG, the RCM and the NCT, I’m afraid the Government and its supporters really are an incredibly unpleasant lot.

And I guess, desite his protestations to the contrary, that ultimately Parris’ ungalvanised majority may well concur.

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A really worrying start to 2011… maybe they just don’t want to learn

Education in England appears to be undergoing not so much a policy review as sporadic and random assault, if recent decisions by Michael Gove, the Education Secretary, are any guide to what’s happening.

First we have the school sports fiasco (personally I’m no fan of competitive sport, thanks very much; but surely all kids need to have exercise and learn to play in teams?); and then we have the probably even more awful scenario of Bookstart hitting the deck.

And that’s before we begin to think about ‘free schools’, untrained teachers or, dare we mention it, student fees.

Of course, Prime Minister David Cameron is attempting – unconvincingly in the view of some – to defuse both the school sports and the books-for-tots disasters; but he seems to be focusing on their impacts for politics, rather than for actual children at the point of (withdrawn) delivery.

Some might suspect all this is the outcome of confused or fuzzy thinking.   I’m not so sure. 

I have a sneaky feeling that there’s an underlying plan here, to muddy the waters and look a bit daft, whilst all the time sticking very quietly but firmly to the small state scenario.  Perhaps the failure to see how dreadful some of this is for real children in real places is not a genuine inability to do so, but a steadfast refusal even to acknowledge that this critically important child-centred agenda exists at all. 

It’s not much good for Education to ‘save money’ in the short-term, if the medium and longer term results will be so much more expensive for health, employment and other parts of our society.  But we know that with the proposed trajectory this will happen; it’s happened already before, not least in the 1980s.

Only by refusing to contemplate all protests about the human (as opposed to overt, party political) costs, is it possible for the Government to continue with their current disastrously short-sighted options. 

Those behind what’s happening now I fear don’t want a properly thought-through, coherent set of social policies.  Maybe they want only to reduce the role of government and to cut taxes, regardless of everything else.

This is not a happy thought for the first day of 2011; so I just hope I’m soon proved very, very wrong.

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A ‘new culture’ of giving – but what dignity in receiving?

We learn today (29 December 2010) that cash machines are to be one of the delivery points for the Government’s ‘new culture of giving‘.  Apparently 8% of the UK population currently ‘gives’ 47% of the cash (wouldn’t it be good if 100% of those who should, paid their taxes…?); and the Nudge Unit at No. 10 thinks cash machine giving will increase charitable donations as a consequence of the ensuing new-style mechanism.

Well, maybe it will and maybe it won’t.  But my real fear is that in the Big Society which the Government seeks to establish, the ‘culture of receiving’ of charitable donations (oh dear, how to rename this?) will also shift, to ensure that even more of those eligible under current arrangements for state support, will not now seek it.

So perhaps only that minority with little sense of self-worth will in general want to be ‘given’ what has been donated – if indeed the funds have not already been allocated elsewhere by the munificent donors, to more prestigious and visible causes than just boring poor people.

To use the terminology of Victorians (who would doubtless have embraced with enthusiasm the ideas now coming from No.10), the ‘deserving poor’ will surely squirm at the prospect of charitable giving for even sometimes basic needs.  

Could this is the big idea behind the Big Society?   I guess few will want to queue, if indeed they are able, for soup kitchens.  Poverty will return to being a matter of lost pride and public shame.

The old phrase was to go ‘cap in hand’; there was no entitlement, only supplication.  And no dignity.

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Local government in all its ‘former glory’…?

Local Government Minister Grant Shapps‘  letter in The Guardian today (17 December 2010) refers to the Government’s Localism Bill as a vehicle which ‘will restore local government to its former glory’, and thereby deliver the Big Society.

But what sort of glory might that be, I wonder?  

My recollection of the ‘former glory’ of local councils is of unremitting rows of white, mostly wealthy, chaps who suffered few doubts about their right to govern.

With no apparent irony (surely localism works better when there’s adequate resource to enable it?)  Shapps further tells us that, ‘Even if the government was awash with cash we’d still be pushing power out to where it belongs – in the hands of the people.’

With scant support or national resource, this looks mightily akin to a return to the hegemony of the former civic ruling elite – those powerful and often identikit aldermen and the like, who had the power and influence to take decisions on our behalf, and sometimes at best in our interests as they, rather than we, saw them.

I suppose the ‘glory’ rather depends on where you’re looking from.

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Why all the articles I’ve posted below?  Well, sometimes we do have to say something….   I’m new neither to blogging nor to politics, but I am a bit outside the profile of your average www aficionado.  Not too many bloggers as yet are women of a certain age, perhaps even matriarchs of a sort, still determinedly if reflectively progressive and using the internet to try to make their point. So I hope here to help these matters along.  And I shall call myself ~ PinkPolitika.

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